Welcome to Better Europe’s weekly update on EU Affairs
COMMISSION UNVEILS LOOPHOLE-FILLED 2040 CLIMATE TARGET
While Brussels was in the midst of a record-breaking heatwave, the Commission finally unveiled its 2040 Climate target. Dragging its feet since February, the target confirms the EU’s continued retreat on green policies, to no one’s surprise. Although the EU plans a 90% reduction of greenhouse gas emissions (compared to 1990 levels!), the means of achieving this are ridiculed by loopholes sold as ‘flexibilities’. These include departing from a domestic-only climate target and allowing for the outsourcing of climate effort responsibility. As of 2036 emission reduction can be met through Member State-funded climate projects in developing countries. The target also grants sectoral leeway, by letting governments shift their efforts between sectors, which increases the likelihood of delays in areas such as transportation or agriculture. It’s even easier to meet the target thanks to the inclusion of ‘permanent’ carbon removals in the EU Emission Trading System, and the very fact that the 90% is a net figure that does not differentiate between emission cuts and carbon removal. So, enjoy what is likely to be “the coldest summer of the rest of your life”.
NO-CONFIDENCE MOTION WON’T STICK TO TEFLON URSULA
Next week, Commission President Ursula von der Leyen is expected to survive her first no-confidence vote in the Parliament, although the vote will probably show some more cracks in her coalition. A no-confidence motion from far-right Romanian MEP Gheorghe Piperea has found enough signatures to reach the plenary floor. Is Ursula really under threat? Not really. The Socialists have dismissed the motion as a “desperate stunt” by extremists seeking attention, while the Greens and the Left find it hard to express their frustration with von der Leyen’s shift to the right by supporting a far-right motion of censure. Progressives are rightfully angry over Pfizergate, the democratic backsliding in Romania, and the ever-shrinking Green Deal. But toppling the Commission via a far-right resolution? The solution? Wait until Monday to decide, then grudgingly vote against the motion to stick with the devil they know.
NO ONE LIKES THE MFF
With the proposal for the 2028-2034 MFF just around the corner later this month, the political demands continue to pile up before the Commission’s eyes. Last week’s leaked plan to create a single cohesion funding pot for each Member State was not well-received — in a non-paper signed by 14 of them, governments demand a stand-alone cohesion policy. This follows the general backlash by the departing Polish Presidency and the S&D group against the Commission’s ideas and in particular Germany’s push for an RRF-style MFF, one where access to funds would be tied to the achievement of national ‘milestones’. The fight over the long-term budget, however, is also occurring in-house in the Berlaymont. It is linked to the future of the social fund defended by Commissioner Roxana Mînzatu and her three socialist colleagues who stand outnumbered by the 14 EPP Commissioners that think the money should be used for defense and industry. ECR Commissioner Raffaele Fitto is also at odds with von der Leyen, as he disagrees with her proposals for the stricter national control over regional spending through changes to the ’Berlin formula’. But perhaps if no one is happy with the proposal, it is actually a good one?